Standing strong in the Caribbean

2026-02-15 - 02:10

The people of Barbados have spoken with unmistakable clarity. Prime Minister Mia Mottley has secured another commanding electoral victory, with the Barbados Labour Party winning every seat in Parliament for the third consecutive general election. It is an extraordinary political achievement. In a region often characterised by fragile mandates and fractured politics, such decisive public endorsement strengthens her authority within Caricom at a critical time. Her victory comes just days before Caribbean leaders gather from February 24 to 27 for the 50th Regular Meeting of the Conference of Heads of Government of Caricom in St Kitts and Nevis. The theme, “Beyond Words: Action Today for a Thriving, Sustainable Caricom,” reflects the urgent reality confronting small island states navigating climate vulnerability, economic instability, food security challenges, transnational crime and shifting global alliances. The Heads meeting is where decisions are shaped on regional security cooperation, trade integration, the Caricom Single Market and Economy, energy collaboration, climate financing and collective diplomatic positioning. For Trinidad and Tobago, this meeting is not optional theatre. It is strategically vital. And yet, as the region prepares for deliberations that will shape policy for years to come, we are confronted with an uncomfortable question: Will Trinidad and Tobago fully engage? To date, there has been no clear public confirmation from Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar as to whether she will attend the summit. That silence follows a series of comments expressing scepticism about Caricom’s relevance. Diplomacy is as much about presence as it is about policy. When the Caribbean confronts shared threats, whether climate disasters, economic downturns, or regional security concerns, unity is leverage. A divided Caricom diminishes the bargaining power of every member state, particularly small economies dependent on exports, tourism, energy trade and multilateral cooperation. Trinidad and Tobago has historically been a central pillar of Caricom. Our energy resources, industrial capacity and financial institutions have given us influence beyond our size. But influence requires engagement. It requires constructive participation, not distance. This matters profoundly as we confront mounting economic pressures at home. Our energy sector, the backbone of the national economy, faces supply constraints and pricing pressures. Natural gas availability has declined in recent years, affecting downstream petrochemical production and export revenues. Industries reliant on stable and affordable gas supplies have felt the strain, and higher input costs inevitably trickle down to consumers. The ripple effect touches employment, government revenue and the cost of living. Against that backdrop, regional energy cooperation is not abstract diplomacy; it is economic survival. Our past efforts to develop joint energy projects with Venezuela, such as licences for the Dragon cross-border gas field, were seen as potential lifelines for stabilising our gas supply and supporting our LNG and petrochemical sectors. However, US sanctions constraints and the revocation of specific licences in 2025 stalled progress, raising questions about whether those projects can deliver gas to Trinidad and Tobago. And yet, public reporting indicates that Venezuela suspended certain energy cooperation arrangements with Trinidad and Tobago in late 2025, and there has been no confirmed announcement of a bilateral gas agreement. For a country whose energy future and economic stability are tied to a reliable gas supply, that lack of clarity is deeply troubling. Caricom’s upcoming meeting is expected to address issues ranging from regional food production under the “25 by 2025” initiative to crime and security cooperation to climate finance access for vulnerable states. For Trinidad and Tobago, food import reduction is not an academic exercise; it is tied directly to inflation and foreign exchange pressures. Security cooperation is not rhetorical; it intersects with our own crime challenges. Climate financing is not distant policy; it relates to coastal protection, flood mitigation and infrastructure resilience here at home. If Trinidad and Tobago distances itself from collective regional engagement, we risk more than diplomatic awkwardness. We risk economic marginalisation at a moment when coordinated action could yield tangible benefits. Leadership requires more than domestic political positioning. It requires a sober assessment of national interest. At a time when natural gas revenues are uncertain, global markets are volatile and geopolitical tensions in our hemisphere remain fluid, disengagement is not a strategy. We must show up. We must speak clearly. We must defend our interests while strengthening the regional partnerships that multiply our influence. Caricom is not perfect. No multilateral body is. But walking away from the table does not strengthen sovereignty; it weakens leverage. At this juncture, prudence must guide policy. Small states endure not by retreating from regional mechanisms, but by strengthening them. Constructive engagement within Caricom enhances our economic interests and ensures that Trinidad and Tobago remains a steady and respected voice in shaping the Caribbean’s shared future. The Caribbean faces a defining period. Economic transition, energy security, climate resilience and food sustainability will determine whether our children inherit stability or stagnation. Trinidad and Tobago has both the capacity and the responsibility to help shape that future. The only remaining question is whether we intend to lead or simply watch from the sidelines. Mickela Panday is the Political Leader of the Patriotic Front andan Attorney at Law